On Gingrich: A legacy of surrender

Posted by Howard Rich | Columns | Monday 26 July 2010 9:38 am

From Politico


The news that former House Speaker folded like a cheap suit in the wake of a brazen political attack on the tea party movement was sad. But not surprising.

As far back as his second term in Congress, in 1980, Gingrich sided with big labor interests until brought to his knees by a National Right to Work education campaign. Contrary to his image, Gingrich has demonstrated throughout his political career that he possesses no real ideological mooring.

Now, his legitimizing the ’s crass political attempt to play the race card reveals him to be nothing more than a rank political opportunist – a White House-aspiring demagogue who prefers looking good for the liberal legacy media to standing up for our rights as citizens and taxpayers.

Practically-speaking, Gingrich no more subscribes to the tea party ideals of limited government, individual liberty and personal responsibility than President Barack Obama. At least, that’s what one could infer from his endorsement of liberal “stimulus”-supporter in upstate New York last year.

In fact, Gingrich previously dismissed the tea party as nothing more than the “militant wing of the Republican Party” — a crude diminution of a diverse group of freedom-loving Americans.

That’s why, when the decided to play the race card against the tea party earlier this month, it wasn’t shocking to see Gingrich immediately raise the white flag and suggest that the Tea Party should give credence to this attack by co-hosting town hall meetings with the . Rather than rebuking this unfounded attack and exposing its political motivations, Gingrich chose to cave – again – in hopes of giving America a “teachable moment.”

This policy of appeasement had disastrous results in past. In fact, it is responsible for the ’s fateful retreat from its limited government roots after the “” of 1994.

“When the Republican Party faced withering criticism during the government shutdown of 1995 to 1996, our leaders folded instead of standing their ground,” then-former Rep. wrote in his 2001 book, “Breach of Trust.” “Rather than doing the hard work of explaining to the public, or even to rank-and-file Republicans, what was necessary to reduce the size of government, our leaders retreated.”

By taking the easy way out, and bowing to the altar of political-correctness, Gingrich established a pattern of appeasement that has defined the to this day. Making matters worse, it was his arrogance which precipitated the costly sellout.

“He told a room full of reporters that he forced the shutdown because Clinton had rudely made him and Bob Dole sit at the back of Air Force One,” former House majority leader later wrote. “Newt had been careless to say such a thing, and now the whole moral tone of the shutdown had been lost. What had been a noble battle for fiscal sanity began to look like the tirade of a spoiled child. The revolution, I can tell you, was never the same.”

Nor was the Republican Party — which from that moment began caving left and right to the Washington establishment it was elected to uproot.

In short order, Gingrich’s gave way to bridges to nowhere and other big government spending outrages.

Now, in the hope of positioning himself as a legitimate presidential contender in 2012, Gingrich is again betraying the ideals of the limited government movement for his own political gains. Instead of calling leaders out as intellectual frauds, Gingrich is seeking to give their race-baiting views a national platform at the tea party’s expense.

Such appeasement is a recipe for disaster.

True limited government advocates should recognize both the and Gingrich for what they are – enemies in the fight for greater personal and economic freedom for all Americans.

That is the real “teachable moment” of Gingrich’s latest betrayal.

GOP: “Contractually-Bound?”

Posted by Howard Rich | Columns | Wednesday 3 March 2010 4:32 pm

Seeking to capitalize on the righteous indignation voters are feeling toward President Barack Obama and his Congressional allies, a group of Republican politicians is dusting off an old playbook.

Led by former Speaker – Washington’s preeminent “Reformer in Name Only” – this group’s plan is to bring back the “,” the 1994 policy platform that helped propel Republicans to majorities in both the U.S. House and Senate in 1995. In unveiling his first draft of such a document, Gingrich spoke of “the clarity, the positive focus, and the election results of the 1994 contract.”

He obviously wasn’t able to speak about the post-election results of the contract, because those are frankly few and far between.

Nonetheless a second contract, according to Gingrich, “would be a powerful unifier for all those who are tired of the corruption and waste of Washington and the alien views of the secular-socialist coalition seeking to radically change America.”

Well, well. That’s tough talk – but once again, it’s all pre-election. And while Republicans are great at campaigning on limited government talking points, they’ve proven positively awful when it comes to governing according to those principles.

After all, the “corruption and waste of Washington” didn’t stop when Gingrich and his Republican Revolutionists rode into town, far from it in fact. And as for the “secular-socialist coalition,” didn’t Gingrich recently endorse a secular socialist (over a limited government Conservative Party candidate) in a New York Congressional race?

“Fool me once, shame on you. Fool me twice, shame on me.”

That should be America’s response to a “second contract.”

Gingrich’s 1994 plan was actually dead before arrival, meaning that the Speaker and his committee chairmen broke their balanced budget promises early on in their first appropriations process – literally days after arriving in the capital.

“We got our people into leadership,” the late Paul Weyrich, a long-time Gingrich ally, complained in 1996, “but we are not getting different policies.”

Indeed the two signature “accomplishments” of the were partisan distractions – a politically-motivated government shutdown and the impeachment of President Bill Clinton. And of course after Clinton came the big government era of “Bush Republicanism,” which has been an unmitigated fiscal disaster.

Also, remember how the Gingrich contract was going to replace career politicians with “citizen legislators?”

Well more than a decade-and-a-half later, there are still nearly two dozen Republican members of the class of ’94 serving in the U.S. House. Six others have gone on to become U.S. Senators, including Sen. Lindsey Graham of South Carolina, a staunch supporter of Obama’s “cap and trade” energy tax.

Gingrich’s “second contract” doesn’t mention a word about term limits, incidentally.

“The Republicans have stopped being reformers,” former congressman John Kasich lamented shortly after the was routed from power in 2006. “They’re practicing politics as usual.”

“We had succumbed to the temptation of things that we had criticized the Democrats for,” U.S. Rep. Dan Lungren added.

Indeed, Democrats won control of Congress in 2006 by pledging to restore fiscal sanity in light of Republican budget excesses – and Obama won the presidency in 2008 by promising tax cuts to the middle class.

Clearly, these “bread and circus” centrist diversions (neither of which the Democrats were ever serious about implementing) masked a sinister socialist agenda, but should Republicans be the ones we trust to make a course correction? And more importantly, can America afford the consequences of another aborted “Republican” revolution?

Much more promising a reform effort than Gingrich’s top-down contract, in my opinion, is a grassroots movement by tea party activists to create a Contract From America – a document springing up in cities and towns across America rather than originating from the corrupt centers of power in Washington, D.C.

Or for that matter the Mount Vernon Statement, which challenges candidates to pledge their allegiance to the fundamental foundations of Constitutional governance.

Ultimately, though, Republicans and Democrats alike will be judged not by their promises but by their votes – which will either protect taxpayers and promote their liberties or continue down the same bipartisan path of excess and interventionism.

Howard Rich, chairman of Americans for Limited Government, is a Liberty Features Syndicated writer.

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